The Self and Moral Development

The Self and Moral Development

The Self and Moral Development

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Prologue I once coached a basketball team of 11-year-old girls. It was a highly competitive league, but we were out to have fun as well. My slight, 4½-foot-tall daughter was on the team, as was a girl she eventually befriended, Chrystal, who was about a foot taller, about 50 pounds heavier, and well into puberty. Chrystal could easily have passed for 16 years old. After one particu- larly hard practice, I gave a few of the girls hugs of encouragement as they were leaving. I did not really think anything of it at the time.

At the beginning of the next practice, Chrystal’s mother made a point of letting me know that my hug had a tremendous impact on Chrystal and later brought her mother to tears. Because of her size, adults rarely treated Chrystal as the young child she was. Sometimes adult men would flirt with her or otherwise look at her in a way that was entirely inappropriate even for a teenager, let alone an 11 year old. As a result, Chrystal had changed from an outgoing child to one who was more withdrawn.

Chrystal’s personality and emotional development was on par with that of my daughter. In nearly every way in which development is measured, Chrystal and Mariana were identical, but you would not know it by looking at the two of them on a basketball court. Even though Chrystal was able to throw around her size and weight to the team’s advantage, she still liked dolls, children’s music, and stuffed animals. My hug, and Mariana’s friendship, apparently allowed her to recapture the social and emotional processes that had become derailed. Her mother reported that the turnaround was immediate and sustained; Chrystal had once again become more outgoing and childlike.

Factors that directed Chrystal’s social, emotional, and personality development are even harder to pinpoint than those related to physical and cognitive development. As we explore development of the self in this module, remember that there are many ways to measure growth besides age.

12.1 Foundations: Erikson’s Stages of Psychosocial Development

Perhaps the most well-known theorist in the area of psychosocial development is Erik Erik- son. An important aspect of this development is that of the self, which is a conceptualization of how we evaluate our thoughts and attitudes about ourselves. Erikson stressed how the self develops as a function of the way we constantly interact with society. In many ways, Erikson is to psychosocial development as Piaget is to cognitive development. That is, his theory of psychosocial development remains a historical benchmark from which contemporary the- ory has evolved. And like Piaget, psychologists continue to find Erikson’s ideas practical and worthwhile.

Erikson was influenced by Sigmund Freud’s psychoanalytic theory. Both of these psychology pioneers emphasized the importance of early development on later personality and behav- ior. However, whereas Freud felt early development was largely a function of sexual conflict, Erikson’s stages of psychosocial development focused on social influences during the life- span (Erikson, 1950, 1993). According to Erikson, each developmental period is marked by a psychosocial conflict that can have either a favorable or an unfavorable outcome. Although

Section 12.1Foundations: Erikson’s Stages of Psychosocial Development

Erikson developed his theory to encompass the entire lifespan, this section focuses on psy- chosocial stages through the end of adolescence.

Basic Trust versus Mistrust (birth to 1 year old) Erickson proposed that the fundamental conflict of infancy revolves around the infant’s dependency needs and parental responsiveness. Infants need to feel secure that they will be fed, changed, nurtured, and comforted. If parents are responsive and dependable, infants become confident that their needs will be met; they develop a sense of trust. In contrast, an insecure infant (perhaps one who has been neglected) will develop a sense of mistrust. There- fore, the first of Erikson’s stages is referred to as basic trust versus mistrust.

Autonomy versus Shame and Doubt (2 to 3 years old) If infants do not develop trust, they become insecure and are hesitant to venture on their own. By contrast, trusting infants feel confident about exploring the world. They become mobile and are able to do more things for themselves. As they move into toddlerhood, they are often heard saying, “Me do it!” This expression reflects their inclination toward independent behav- iors. They want to dress themselves and explore garbage in the street, open cabinets, and run freely—they want autonomy.

Toddlers develop a sense of autonomy when parents set limits while also encouraging self- sufficiency, for example, by saying, “You may run on the grass, but not in the street” or “You may wear either of these two outfits.” By contrast, if parents are overly demanding or do not let children perform tasks on their own, a sense of shame and doubt may result. Parents who are patient while walking or waiting for their children to dress are encouraging a sense of self- sufficiency and competency; children who are rushed begin to doubt themselves because of a perceived lack of competence. This conflict is known as autonomy versus shame and doubt.

F O C U S O N B E H A V I O R : A u t o n o m y v e r s u s S h a m e a n d D o u b t One night, just before my son turned three, he asked if he could clear the ceramic (i.e., breakable) dinner dishes and load them into the dishwasher. I did not think about it at the time, but it was a decision that is key to Erikson’s stage of autonomy versus shame and doubt: Should we let him do this task by himself and risk breaking dishes, or insist on set- ting limits on a task he felt he was capable of doing? It is not always easy to know if you are overcontrolling or undercontrolling—either of which, according to Erikson, can lead to shame and doubt.

While my anxious wife looked on, I guided Max over to the dishwasher, where he promptly displayed his pride and confidence after performing what was previously an adult job. He soon was clearing the dishes most nights and did not break a plate until years later when he was old enough not to want the job anymore. (Of course, by then he was stuck with it!)

Doing the dishes myself would certainly have been more efficient, but it also would have given my son the message that he was not competent in a task that he was absolutely able to do. Sometimes parents must struggle with issues related to patience as their children gain autonomy and take initiative.

Section 12.1Foundations: Erikson’s Stages of Psychosocial Development

Initiative versus Guilt (3 to 6 years old) When children gain autonomy, they begin to master the world around them. They become more independent but sometimes suffer negative consequences as a result. Early “experiments” with food flying off of a highchair, which first occur randomly, are now done with more purpose. Chil- dren might cut their own hair. Parents are again faced with dilemmas. If a 4 year old attempts to pour a glass of orange juice but ends up dropping the container and break- ing a glass, how should the parent react? Children can either be reinforced for taking the initiative or feel guilt for having done something wrong. The key to helping chil-

dren overcome this initiative versus guilt conflict is to set balanced limits in goal-directed activities like climbing on rocks or crossing streets alone.

Industry versus Inferiority (7 to 11 years old) Children develop an increasing sense of competence by taking the initiative, expanding their opportunities, and feeling a sense of accomplishment. They become productive. This pro- ductivity is reflected in self-reinforced learning and discovery. As explained in Module 9, this process occurs when children begin to use reading as a way to advance learning, not simply as a skill to master. Industry is reflected in the way children build, fix, organize, and acquire knowledge. For example, following recipe directions produces output, even if it is not perfect. The output translates to achievement in the conflict of industry versus inferiority, building esteem that leads to a sense of identity in the next stage.

Conversely, children who did not favorably resolve the earlier stage of autonomy versus shame and doubt are more likely to hesitate when they come across new situations. They may fear disapproval for independent actions and become less self-sufficient. Exploratory behaviors may be perceived as “trouble-making.” Restrictions lead to less exploration, fewer accomplishments, and a lowered sense of competence. Instead of feeling industrious, chil- dren feel a sense of inferiority.

Identity versus Role Confusion (adolescence) Erikson believed that the stage of identity development that coincides with adolescence was pivotal. Early stages lead up to it, and later stages are dependent on it. The earlier stages set the groundwork for the development of self-concept and self-esteem. In this stage, teenagers try to discover who they really are, including their sexual identity and what they want to do in life. Beginning in early adolescence, physical, sexual, and cognitive changes, as well as more complex social demands, contribute to confusion about identity. Erikson called this time of

© Curi Hyvrard/Corbis ሁ As part of their developing personality,

children must balance independence of actions with possible negative consequences of those actions.

Section 12.1Foundations: Erikson’s Stages of Psychosocial Development

potential upheaval the adolescent identity crisis. During this period, teenagers will often try out different behaviors before finding a clear path. The process of reconciling these conflicts results in an individual’s achieving a sense of identity. When children are allowed to explore, create, and accomplish, they develop the competence necessary to define goals and forge a unique sense of self. Conversely, if teenagers feel a sense of inferiority, they do not develop feelings of accomplishment and purpose. Current and future roles remain undefined.

The cognitive advancement associated with formal operations allows adolescents to hypoth- esize about different futures (and also makes them more self-conscious, as in Elkind’s imagi- nary audience). Identity formation therefore includes self-assessment about strengths and weaknesses, friendships, sexual identity, occupational possibilities, and values. The sense of “self” and personal control emerge when there is a sense of continuity about these character- istics (Erikson, 1970).

Once again, according to Erikson, parents can facilitate adolescent psychosocial development by allowing teenagers to explore their own identities while setting limits. If, however, par- ents continually insist that children conform to specific views, identity development can be arrested. Instead of developing a strong sense of self, teenagers will face role confusion. They may engage in behaviors that are socially unacceptable. Role confusion may lead to difficulty forming close adult relationships. Relationships become more superficial because individuals have not developed the strong sense of self that is necessary for intimate emotional connec- tions. This outcome is sometimes referred to as identity diffusion since the self, or personality, lacks a unified core. Erikson proposed that identity versus role confusion was the key to developing into an adult.

Adult Stages The adult stages rest firmly on the successful resolution of the challenges of earlier devel- opmental stages. A strong sense of identity sets the foundation for adult success in form- ing intimate relationships, leading to successful resolution in the stage of intimacy versus isolation. The intimate expression of hopes, dreams, and fears results in the formation of deep emotional connections. Without the risk of vulnerability, a sense of isolation develops. In middle age, adults then seek to accomplish goals that they hope will provide a lasting influ- ence on children and the community. This stage is generativity versus stagnation, whereby adults either “leave a mark” (generate) or develop a sense of stagnation when they lack pro- ductivity. In Erikson’s final stage of integrity versus despair, people in late adulthood either accept their lives and what they have accomplished with a sense of integrity or live in despair as a result of knowing that goals went unfulfilled. Though these adult stages are summarized here only briefly, you can see how they are strongly connected to the earlier focus on identity development in adolescence.

S E C T I O N R E V I E W Summarize Erikson’s stages of psychosocial development.

Section 12.2Expansion of Erikson’s Theory: James Marcia

12.2 Expansion of Erikson’s Theory: James Marcia Using Erikson’s stage of identity versus role confusion as a backdrop, James Marcia suggests that there are four ways of resolving the crisis of identity that adolescence presents. He clas- sifies individual identity development in terms of two characteristics: crisis and commitment. Crisis refers to a period of some turmoil, during which adolescents begin to question previ- ous values. As a result, individuals explore different alternatives. A high school senior may consider a technical school, traveling, or several different college majors. Commitment refers to whether or not a decision has been made related to the exploration (Marcia, 1966, 2007). There is quite a difference, for instance, between an unmotivated high school student who jumps in and out of menial part-time jobs and one who attends college workshops and volun- teers at a health care agency. In the latter case, exploration will eventually lead to commitment.

As Figure 12.1 indicates, Marcia organized four observable identity statuses based on the two criteria of exploration (crisis) and commitment. Identity achievement occurs when occupa- tional and social challenges of education, career, and marriage are explored and pursued and there is a current commitment. The crisis occurs when various options are considered. For example, after an individual investigates a number of opportunities in the mental health field (e.g., social work, counseling psychology, research and teaching), identity achievement would occur when the individual commits to the pursuit of one over another. Early identity achieve- ment is associated with high achievement motivation, empathy, compassion, and self-esteem. However, for most, identity does not solidify until the early to mid-20s (Bang, 2013; Kroger, 2007; Kroger, Martinussen, & Marcia, 2010).

Figure 12.1: Marcia’s identity statuses ሁ James Marcia described four possible outcomes related to adolescent identity development.

Identity Diffusion

Identity Moratorium

Identity Foreclosure

Identity Achievement

AbsentPresent

Commitment

A bs

en t

E xp

lo ra

ti o

n (

cr is

is )

P re se

nt

Source: Adapted from Marcia (1966, 2007).

Adolescents sometimes commit to an identity without adequately exploring alternatives, per- haps because of the strong influence of an authority figure or societal norm. They join the military, work in the family business, or pursue a law degree because their parents have decided that is “what is best.” This status of identity foreclosure does not necessarily equal

Section 12.2Expansion of Erikson’s Theory: James Marcia

unhappiness, but it is associated with a high need for approval. Identity foreclosure is more common among Asian, European, and collectivist cultures than in mainstream, middle-class culture in the United States. Therefore, the independence that is indicative of identity achieve- ment is not necessarily a desirable goal for every group. Furthermore, secular changes within cultures also affect goals and values. For instance, among adolescents there has been a recent shift in attitudes, resulting in an increased concern for other people and the environment. As a result, career development in the contemporary cohort of adolescents and young adults includes relatively more collectivist goals and less materialism (Greenfield, Keller, Fuligini, & Maynard, 2003; Park, Twenge, & Greenfield, 2014; Rothbaum, Weisz, Pott, Miyake, & Morelli, 2000).

Traditionally, though, middle-class culture in the United States is usually associated with exploration. The common mantra of “you can be anything you want to be” is an example of parents encouraging the exploration of various alter- natives. When adolescents actively explore choices but are not committed, it is referred to as identity morato- rium. This struggle for identity is often associated with anxiety, since the future is unplanned. Those who are considering changing majors or colleges, or dropping out of school altogether, are often in moratorium.

Finally, adolescents who have neither explored nor committed to any social or occupational choices are in a state of identity diffusion. These individuals tend to be flighty, without clear direction for the future. They may be confused about goals, occupation, sexual identity, or gender roles. The lack of occupational or social dedication makes it difficult to sustain rela- tionships. Consequently, these individuals are more likely than others to become isolated.

It is considered a positive development when individuals move from diffusion to foreclosure to moratorium to achievement. However, adolescents are not necessarily fixed into one iden- tity status, and achievement does not mean identity will remain stable. For instance, it is com- mon for individuals to change statuses from moratorium to achievement and back again, in what has been called the MAMA cycle. This sequence is considered normal and may appear periodically throughout the lifespan, though moratorium status peaks during late adolescence and declines thereafter. Whereas research finds that about half of all adolescents have a stable identity status, more than one-third move in a direction toward identity achievement. Among a college research sample, status begins to change more during late adolescence. Although identity status is still not always solidified by the time these young adults graduate, perhaps a noncollege sample would yield different results (Kroger, 2007; Kroger et al., 2010).

The way in which Erikson and Marcia discuss the concept of identity development is both a culmination of sorts and a jumping-off point. That is, according to Erikson, we have a ten- dency to strive to reach a key phase of self-identity and carry that forward into marriage, community, and retirement. Note, however, that these processes apply mostly to Western- ized youth and young adults. (Neither Erikson nor Marcia suggested that their theories could be applied universally.) Cross-cultural studies have validated Marcia’s conceptual basis for achievement; however, identity development is quite different, even within Western coun- tries, when there are choices in career and education and everyday survival can be taken for granted (e.g., Brzezińska & Piotrowski, 2013; Cinamon & Rich, 2014; Crocetti, Sica, Schwartz, Serafini, & Meeus, 2013).

Critical Thinking In what ways can attending college and pursu- ing a degree be categorized as identity foreclo- sure? When is it moratorium?

Section 12.3Development of the Self

In coal-mining towns or other working-class communities, for instance, the menu of careers to explore often appears limited. Education might not be a high priority, and economic neces- sity may dictate when and where a young adult seeks work. Identity development through exploration would not even be considered when daily living remains a struggle.

S E C T I O N R E V I E W Describe an individual who is representative of each of Marcia’s identity statuses.

12.3 Development of the Self Because the people around us heavily influence the construction of self, the development of the self is tied to social norms and expectations. Children in the United States grow up in a culture that emphasizes individual traits and abilities over interdependence and group goals. Early childhood characterizations of self typically include mostly concrete descriptions (“I like to draw,” “I am smart”). In contrast, Chinese culture favors modesty and the social aspects of the self. As such, Chinese children are more likely than children in the United States to use more situational and social accounts to describe the self (“I play with my friends at the park,” “I like to help my teacher”). These differences are evident as early as 3 years of age (Wang, 2006). During adolescence, psychosocial factors expand to include romantic relationships and sexuality. Continuing into late childhood and adolescence, descriptions become complex, and include both personal and social aspects of self (“I am a good friend,” “I work hard in school, but sometimes I get lazy,” “I am Latino”).

Self-Awareness Psychologists agree that babies are not born with inherent knowledge that self is separate from others. To develop an expression of individuality, children must develop an understanding of themselves. Piaget and other cognitive psychologists suggest that infants do not demonstrate awareness of themselves until they begin to show intention (see discussion of sensorimotor substage 4 in Module 7) beginning at about 8 months. Other views hold that children lack the cognitive capacity to know that they are distinct persons until they recognize themselves in a mirror or in photographs. This process is called self-awareness. Children can define their identities only when they are able to recognize that they are separate from others.

The most common method for identifying the psychosocial milestone of self-awareness is the mirror-and-rouge test. In a clever experiment, infants are prominently marked on their nose or forehead. The children are then placed in front of a mirror. They may attempt to wipe off the mark, point to it in the mirror, or otherwise pay attention to it. If they do, it may be con- cluded that they are aware of their own physical characteristics—the first step in developing a sense of self that is independent from other people and objects.

Section 12.3Development of the Self

Infants as young as 12 months old react to the mark, but the median age is closer to 18 months. By 24 months, nearly every child attempts mark-directed behavior, suggesting an increased sense of awareness. They also recognize themselves in photos and videos by pointing and verbalizing their own name or saying, “That’s me” (Amsterdam, 1972; Lewis, Brooks-Gunn, & Jaskir, 1985).

So does awareness via the mirror-and-rouge test occur all at once, or is it a gradual process? Again the issue of continuous or discontinuous development arises. Ber- tenthal and Fischer (1978) attempted to reconcile this question by demonstrating that self-awareness occurs in at least five stages, rather than the one implied by the mirror-and-rouge test. They constructed a series of experiments with 6- to 24-month-old children that cor- responded to substages 3 through 6 of Piaget’s senso- rimotor development (as well as one level beyond sub- stage 6, referred to here as substage 7).

In phase 1, to be considered self-aware at the most basic level, infants needed to look at themselves in a mirror and within a short time touch some part of the image. In phase 2, infants were dressed in an outfit with a hat that was supported by a hidden wire attached to a vest. In this way the children were not aware of the hat, so when it appeared in the mirror, children with self-recognition would be surprised and perhaps try to grab the hat. Phase 3 was similar to phase 2 but included a toy that was lowered into view behind the infant. Unlike the hat that moved with the child, the toy was not connected physically. Infants demonstrated success by connecting the reflection with the toy, and locating it behind them. Phase 4 consisted of the mirror and rouge. As found by Amsterdam and others, successful infants indicated that the mirror image did not fit the schema for normal appearance. Finally, in the fifth and last phase, mothers stood to the side of the mirror and asked their children, “Who’s that?” Successful infants stated their names or an appropriate pronoun.

Table 12.1 shows that 46 out of 48 infants aged 6 to 24 months followed the progression of phases. That is, nearly every child who was successful at the most advanced task (responding verbally) was also successful at all the other tasks; children who were successful at the rouge task (phase 4) were also successful at phases 1–3, but not at phase 5; children who were successful at the toy phase (phase 3) passed the earlier tests, but not the more sophisticated ones. Only two children did not fit the profile, suggesting that self-awareness indeed does change incrementally and develops in a more continuous fashion than typically represented by the mirror-and-rouge test (Bertenthal & Fischer, 1978).

Digital Vision/Valueline/Thinkstock ሁ By 24 months of age, most

children recognize their distinct selves in a mirror.

Section 12.3Development of the Self

Table 12.1: Phases of self-awareness ሁ With only two exceptions, children showed distinctive patterns of self-awareness. Children

who showed more advanced self-awareness were always able to demonstrate more basic forms. Conversely, children who had limited ability to coordinate their actions (corresponding to Piaget’s substages of sensorimotor development) had corresponding limitations of self-awareness.