The Development of Gender

The Development of Gender

The Development of Gender

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Biological sex is a matter of great debate. Although overwhelming neuroscientific evidence indicates that males and females are born different, reinforcement of gender through social- ization is robust and begins early. During childhood, messages from parents, media, school, and peers strongly shape ideas about gender-specific behavior.

The way people define their own gender has a great deal to do with gender roles. We con- struct these roles based on sociocultural norms of what is considered acceptable sex-typed behavior. Individual experiences and societal expectations play strong roles in their develop- ment. For instance, boys and girls are socialized to dress in a particular manner, play with certain kinds of toys, and assist in specific kinds of chores. Culture is closely tied to this pro- cess as well. Some cultures emphasize one role or activity over another. For example, in some parts of Asia, it is not unusual for boys and men to wear a kind of skirt that would be unusual in Europe or North America. These factors and more contribute to how gender is constructed.

Biological Influences Few areas in social and developmental psychology provoke as much controversy as the rela- tive influences of nature and nurture on gender identity. Like so many developmental areas, evidence is clear that the foundation for gender is at first biologically and genetically driven. Notably, male brains are significantly larger than female brains; however, it is unclear what types of advantages, if any, exist (Ruigrok et al., 2014). Specific anatomical brain differences suggest that sex influences development and behavior (Cahill, 2005). Just like bats have rela- tively large brain centers devoted to hearing, rats rely on smell and have relatively large olfac- tory centers, and humans rely on sight and have a sophisticated visual cortex, specific differ- ences in areas of the human brain may reflect relative strengths. In females, the limbic system is larger and parts of the frontal cortex related to decision making are denser. It is well estab- lished that, in males, the amygdala—involved in the fight-or-flight response and other emo- tionally laden stimuli—is larger (Goldstein, Kennedy, & Caviness, 1999; Ruigrok et al., 2014). It is possible that the disparities may reflect differences in emotionality and different responses to stress. It has therefore been suggested that the multitude of biological differ- ences between the sexes “pervade all clinical experience” (Federman, 2006, p. 1514). Never- theless, any small anatomical differences cannot account for the multitude of gender differ- ences we see in society.

Perhaps the strongest evidence for a bio- logical influence on gender development is the finding that androgens, the hormones responsible for male growth and develop- ment, have a significant effect on gender- typed behaviors. Girls who are exposed prenatally to higher concentrations of androgens are more likely to later engage in male-type play behaviors, compared to their sisters who had less exposure. In general, higher levels of androgens are associated with more active, rougher play. Conversely, males who are exposed to higher than nor- mal levels of the female hormone estrogen are more likely to display relatively high levels of stereotypically female behaviors

Romrodinka/iStock/Thinkstock ሁ The development of gender identity begins

early.

Section 14.1The Development of Gender

(Hines, 2013; Karaismailoğlu & Erdem, 2013). In fact, early exposure to male hormones has been linked to male-typical behavior across the animal kingdom. Researchers have discovered that sex-based hormonal influences contribute to changes in brain structure, gene expression, and, ultimately, behavior throughout the animal kingdom (Arnold, 2009; Hines, 2011).

Additional evidence indicates that hormones contribute to differences in cognitive process- ing, including the ways in which we interpret emotions (Little, 2013). Furthermore, areas of the brain that are linked to activity, emotion, and self-regulation appear different in male and female brains, beginning at birth. Because these traits are observable early, it is thought that the distinctions in brain organization contribute to broad-based sex differences in infant tem- perament (Baron-Cohen, 2003; Eagly & Wood, 2013; Hines, 2005; Karaismailoğlu & Erdem, 2013). In turn, these differences are likely responsible for the finding that the average male infant is more active and fussier than the average female. Nevertheless, variability within each sex is much greater than the differences between them.

F o c u s o n B e h a v i o r : W i t h i n – G r o u p v e r s u s B e t w e e n – G r o u p D i f f e r e n c e s It is essential to understand what is meant by within-group differences as opposed to between-group (sometimes referred to as across-group) differences. Figure 14.1 expresses the hypothetical distribution of height for 14-year-old boys and girls. At this age, on aver- age, boys are taller than girls by approximately 1.5 inches (3.8 cm). Typical girls can be anywhere from 60 to 68 inches tall (152–173 cm); typical boys range from 60.5 to 69 inches tall (154–175 cm). Therefore, the average difference between boys and girls of 1.5 inches is relatively small, whereas the range of heights within the group of all girls (Figure 14.1a) and the range of heights within the group of all boys (Figure 14.1b) is relatively large. The difference between boys and girls is still significant but not nearly as dramatic as the differences within each group. The effect size refers to the magnitude of the differ- ence (Figure 14.1c). When the difference between groups is small, there is considerable overlap and the effect size is small; when the difference between groups is large, there is little overlap and the effect size is large. These distinctions are especially important when investigating developmental differences between boys and girls.

Figure 14.1: Within-group versus between-group differences ሁ Between-group sex differences are not nearly as strong as within-group differences.

f14.01_PSY104.ai

Inches 63 Inches 64.5

Average height of 14-year-old girls

Average height of 14-year-old boys

Within group differences for girls

Within group differences for boys

Difference between groups

Section 14.1The Development of Gender

Others suggest that physical differences alone account for distinctions in personality and social behavior. Males are stronger, and therefore they play more physically. Traditionally, women have done much of the caring, feeding, and nurturing, so they would also engage in those activities through play and work. This biosocial perspective presumes that an interac- tion exists between sex and gender identity development, but it also acknowledges that we are not destined to be limited by it (Eagly & Wood, 2013; Fisher, 2006). In modern society, there is more flexibility. For instance, neither physical strength nor nurturance is necessar- ily required to become a successful engineer, artist, or accountant. Men and women are not limited to pursuing activities and careers according to their physical types. Although we can identify at birth whether a brain belongs to a male or a female, all brains include a constella- tion of features that are heterogeneous, plastic, and constantly developing; brains cannot be aligned along a male-female continuum (Joel, 2011).

Evolutionary Influences Some observers approach the biological contributions to gender from an evolutionary per- spective. Brains may have evolved differently due to a developmental advantage. For instance, males may show masculine qualities because our male ancestors needed to protect their families from harm. Females may be attracted to males’ activity and perceived strength in leadership. Similarly, it is argued that women propagate the species by showing nurturance, which begins with gentler childhood play (Murray & Murray, 2011). Through natural selec- tion, separate masculine and feminine traits became more valuable to the species.

Now, instead of genes being expressed strictly for the purpose of survival, perhaps they con- tribute to differences in activity levels and social preferences. For instance, on average, boys prefer more action toys and rougher activities. In contrast, girls engage in more role-playing and quieter activities. These preferences begin in early infancy and exist across cultures (Aydt & Corsaro, 2003; Braza et al., 2012; Campbell, Shirley, & Candy, 2004). Evolution suggests they may have been at least partially due to natural selection.

Social Influences and Reinforcement According to the biosocial perspective, each individual has a broad range of potential out- comes based on life experiences. For instance, sex differences in temperament have been observed to affect how adults respond to infant behavior. Psychosocial factors operate in a variety of ways to turn boys and girls into masculine and feminine adults, depending on atti- tudes and culture. Beginning at an early age and continuing throughout adolescence, when boys and girls do not behave in ways that are representative of their sex, they are often rejected or rebuked, and laws of reinforcement and punishment operate to shape gender identity. These mechanisms operate across cultures and nationalities (Ruble, Martin, & Beren- baum, 2006).

Furthermore, the principal mechanism behind social learn- ing theory is the role of imitation. For instance, fathers and mothers model different types of behaviors. Fathers more typically engage in rough-and-tumble play and mothers tend to participate in more nurturing, softer kinds of activ- ities. According to social learning theory, these behaviors either mimic or prescribe the same tendencies in young children. Regardless, the behaviors are reinforced. Even among children exposed to the “wrong” hormones, as

Critical Thinking If the type of parent dyad (lesbian, gay, or heterosexual) indeed has an effect on chil- dren’s behavior, what does this evidence tell us about the origins and development of gender-related behaviors?

Section 14.1The Development of Gender

discussed earlier, there is evidence that parents reinforce atypical sex play. That is, girls who were exposed to (male) androgens have been found to engage in more boy- typical play and are reinforced for doing so (Wong, Pasterski, Hindmarsh, Geffner, & Hines, 2013).

Although boys as young as 9 months old spend more time engaged with traditional boys’ toys than with those labeled appropriate for girls—implying a biological beginning for gender— boys and girls are typically offered different kinds of toys and levels of stimulation—pointing to the importance of learning factors (Laflamme, Pomerleaui, & Malcuit, 2002). Girls more than boys are reinforced for engaging in gender-specific behavior like dress-up. And when girls play more actively, they are met with more disapproval than are boys (Campbell et al., 2000; Lytton & Romney, 1991). In a comparison of lesbian, gay, and heterosexual parents, it was found that children who have same-gender parents have less stereotypical behavior. The children were less inclined to follow typical gender roles. That is, sons of heterosexual par- ents demonstrated the most masculine characteristics, followed by sons of gay fathers; sons of lesbian mothers showed the least amount of masculinity (Goldberg, Kashy, & Smith, 2012).

In addition, male and female babies tend to be spoken to and attended to differently (Clearfield & Nelson, 2006; Lovas, 2005). In one well-known experiment, 204 adults were shown the same videotape of an infant. Half of the participants were told they were witnessing a boy and half were told it was a girl. When the adult raters assessed the infant’s emotional responses, significant differences emerged depending on whether adults thought the baby was a boy or a girl. The “boy” was seen as less fearful and experiencing more pleasure than the “girl.” The same behavior that was labeled “anger” when the adults thought they were observing a boy was more often labeled “fear” when adults thought it was a girl (Condry & Condry, 1976). Although subsequent behaviors of the children were not measured, it is reasonable to assume that different speech patterns and levels of attentiveness result in diverse behaviors.

Differences in adults’ responses persist when children enter school. When there is a potential classroom conflict, kindergarten teachers are likely to treat girls in a gentler manner than boys. From elementary school until the end of high school, boys are more often called on in class, even when they do not initiate the interaction (one of the reasons that some adults advocate for all-girl schools). Boys are both praised and criticized more, yet teachers believe they are teaching from a gender-neutral position (Duffy, Warren, & Walsh, 2001; Garrahy, 2001; Jones & Dindia, 2004; Sax, Arms, Woodruff, Riggers, & Eagan, 2011). These different responses affect self-concept and self-esteem and reinforce how children should behave. These kinds of norma- tive messages are also incorporated into moral development, as examined in Module 12.

Media The media are often held up as fundamental agents of gender stereotypes. Although certainly the demeanor, dress, and behavior of television characters have changed dramatically over the past couple of generations, media of all types are instrumental in prescribing models of behavior. Regardless of the models that parents project, the effect of media is inescapable. From billboards to movies, children are exposed to models that reinforce gender roles.

Analyses of children’s television programming consistently finds differences in male and female characters. Females more often show relational aggression and are more concerned about their appearance; males show comparatively more physical aggression. Male charac- ters in general, and superheroes in particular, outnumber females by two to one. This propor- tion has remained fairly steady for a number of years, despite more progressive attitudes. In one newer study, though, researchers concluded that the portrayals of male and female gen-

Section 14.1The Development of Gender

der stereotypes in one of the three studied television networks (Disney Channel) had disap- peared (Baker & Raney, 2007; Hentges & Case, 2013; Luther & Legg, 2007).

In other research, exposure to male superheroes was found to be associated with both boys’ and girls’ use of weapons during free play. In spite of the increased use of weapons, superheroes were associated with higher lev- els of male-stereotyped play behavior among boys, but not girls. Furthermore, parents were largely unsuccessful when they attempted to discourage the use of weapons during play, especially when addressing their daughters (Coyne, Linder, Rasmussen, Nelson, & Collier, 2014).

As children move into adolescence, there continue to be strong stereotypes on television. Programs geared specifi- cally toward emerging adolescents (“tweens”) continue distinctive and stereotypical portrayals of personality characteristics, behaviors, and concern for appearance (Gerding & Signorielli, 2014). As noted in Module 12, early adolescence is a particularly important stage of identity development. These stereotypical messages no doubt contribute to the shaping of identity (Steensma, Kreukels, de Vries, & Cohen-Kettenis, 2013).

Cognitive Influences In addition to biology and sociocultural factors, children begin to construct gender-type in the same way Piaget would say we construct knowledge about the physical world. That is, accord- ing to cognitive theorists, children interpret environmental clues that teach them how to act. Gender identity (or a schema for gender) is initially acquired in the second year (Campbell et al., 2004). Beginning at this age, children acquire beliefs and expectations about gender and are usually able to identify the differences between boys and girls based on outward appear- ances. As a result, a gender schema guides the way we view the world beginning at an early age. Because of cognitive limitations, however, preoperational children have rigid ideas about gender. For instance, a preschooler may think it is inappropriate or silly for women to wear a tie simply because “only men do that.”

At around 4 years of age, children acquire gender stability. Now they understand that boys become men and girls become women, but only so long as they act in a particular manner. If a boy dresses like a girl, he can become a girl. Finally, a year or two later, children develop an understanding that gender is permanent. This is called gender constancy. Depending on cultural norms, this is the stage at which children may begin to give up hopes of achieving success in an area that is usually reserved for a gender other than the one with which they identify (Karniol, 2009; Ruble et al., 2007). If children aspire to behave in a way that is incon- sistent with gender, self-concept and self-esteem may suffer.

S E C T I O N R E V I E W Summarize the various factors that influence how gender identity develops.

Critical Thinking With regard to the Coyne et al. (2014) study just cited, which conclusion do you think is more accurate? (1) Boys view programs with superheroes more frequently than girls because boys have a stronger innate iden- tification with the characters or (2) Higher levels of stereotyped play are the result of relatively more exposure among boys to superheroes. That is, do boys watch superhe- roes because they identify with the masculin- ity of the characters, or do they first watch superheroes (perhaps due to encouragement by peers and family) and then begin to imi- tate the behavior?

Section 14.2Physical Activity of Boys and Girls in Childhood

14.2 Physical Activity of Boys and Girls in Childhood One area of great interest in examining gender development is the nature of activities in which children engage, especially physical activity. As you have learned so far, the strength of a gender type is often measured by how children interact during play. Of course, general- izations are not true for all children. Individual and cultural differences have a role in activ- ity level, as well. Some parents and cultures are more free-spirited in allowing children to play energetically, whereas others are more restrictive. In general, both boys and girls enjoy a variety of activities. Once again, greater variation is observed within groups than between groups. So the question remains, is there more gender-stereotyped play because children are biologically drawn to one type of play, or do they become more strongly socialized for that type of play? This section considers more closely what research tells us about boys and girls and physical activity.

Early and Middle Childhood There is evidence that childhood activity levels are associated with temperament and level of activity during infancy, suggesting a genetic basis for differences in motor activity (Allan, Mikolajewski, Lonigan, Hart, & Taylor, 2013; Strelau & Zawadzki, 2012; Wood, Saudino, Rog- ers, Asherson, & Kuntsi, 2007). Early on, comparatively more boys are interested in move- ment, manipulation, larger play spaces, and more vigorous play. When playing with blocks, boys prefer tall structures that may crash, as opposed to the lower, more balanced creations that girls prefer. A number of cross-cultural studies have shown that physical activity contrib- utes to an increase in overall attention and greater cognitive development throughout child- hood (e.g., Booth et al., 2014; Chen, Fox, Ku, & Taun, 2013; Sibley & Etnier, 2003).

Preschool children of both sexes simply want to move. It is not in their nature to sit still for an extended time, as the preschool years are the most physically active period in the lifespan. Regardless of individual differences, parents and early childhood educators need to provide generous opportunities for physical activity. Opportunities for movement contribute to opti- mal physical, cognitive, and psychosocial development (Ginsburg et al., 2007; Poest, Williams, Witt, & Atwood, 1990). Even simple music and movement programs can have significant posi- tive effects on the motor ability of preschool children (Zachopouloua, Tsapakidoub, & Derric,

STONE SOUP © 2011 Jan Eliot. Reprinted with permission of UNIVERSAL UCLICK. All rights reserved. ሁ Boys and girls are generally interested in different kinds of social interaction; they also mature at

different times.

Section 14.2Physical Activity of Boys and Girls in Childhood

2004). A meta-analysis of 44 independent studies concluded that there is “a significant posi- tive relationship between physical activity and cognitive functioning in children,” including those that are physically or mentally disabled (Sibley & Etnier, 2003, p. 243). So, although adults may sometimes become frustrated when their very young children cannot seem to sit still, not being able to sit still is normal for that age group. Should a 3 year old be expected to sit at a table until the family dinner is completed? That expectation is certainly reasonable, but not if dinner lasts 2 hours.

By 4 years of age, the majority of children segregate themselves by sex and style of play. There are interesting differences in the nature of play at this time, too. Play is more purposeful for boys. For instance, when a newcomer enters a playgroup, personality is less important than whether or not the boy is useful in play. Girls, by contrast, look to other girls with curiosity and friendship. Reflecting this difference, girls remember names of playmates better than boys do (Moir & Jessel, 1992; Sumaroka & Bornstein, 2009).

Adolescence Physical activity tends to decline when children start middle school (Allison, Adlaf, Dwyer, Lysy, & Irving, 2007). Although genetic and maturational variables play a role in this decrease, there are environmental factors, as well. Parents who engage in less-active lifestyles, includ- ing such seemingly harmless activities as driving short distances instead of walking, model inactive behaviors for their children. One group of researchers suggested that only about 20% of a child’s decline in physical activity can be attributed to maturational factors; the remain- der is explained by external causes, including motivation. Longitudinal studies have shown that inactive obese adults serve as models and are more likely to have less active, obese chil- dren (Ornelas, Perreira, & Ayala, 2007).

As children move on to high school, providing opportunities for physical activity continues to reap benefits. Since the passage of Title IX in the United States in 1972, schools receiving fed- eral funds for education have been required to provide equal athletic opportunities for high school boys and girls (as well as college athletes). In only 6 years after its inception, Title IX was responsible for more than a sixfold increase in the number of girls who participated in high school sports, from 4.5% to 28.6% (Stevenson, 2010). Title IX accounted for a substan- tial increase in high school girls continuing their education and about 40% of the rise in employment for those women once they graduated college. Girls who participate in high school sports have lower pregnancy rates, keep better grades in school, and have reduced rates of obesity (Kaestner & Xu, 2010). Long-term effects include better educational and work prospects and better overall health.

Participation in sports is consistently associated with stronger academic performance, as athletes apparently are better able to manage their study time (Bass, Brown, Laurson, & Coleman, 2013; Ruiz et al., 2010; Trudeau & Shephard, 2008). Adolescents who participate in sports activities tend to watch less television and spend less time with video games. High school athletics also appears to increase cognitive control and attention. It is difficult, however, to know whether athletics is actually a catalyst that increases performance

Critical Thinking What do you think accounts for the reduction in pregnancy rates and better educational and work prospects among girls who participate in sports?

Section 14.3Differences in School Achievement and Learning

on cognitive tests. Perhaps athletes as a whole perform better on cognitive tests or—in con- trast to the stereotype—are smarter and more attentive than nonathletes overall.